劍橋雅思閱讀4原文翻譯及答案解析(test4)
雅思閱讀是塊難啃的硬骨頭，需要我們做更多的題目才能得心應(yīng)手。下面小編給大家分享一下劍橋雅思閱讀4test4原文翻譯及答案解析，希望可以幫助到大家。
劍橋雅思閱讀4原文解析(test4)
Question 1
答案：TRUE
關(guān)鍵詞：record,1900
定位原文：第1段第1句“Since the early years of the twentieth century, when the International Athletic Federation began keeping records, there has been a steady improvement in how fast athletes run, how high they jump and how far they are able to hurl massive objects, themselves included, through space.”
解題思路：“自從20世紀(jì)早期國際田聯(lián)開始記錄成績以來……”，題干說現(xiàn)代官方運(yùn)動員記錄始于大約1900年。因此答案為TRUE。
Question 2
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：before the twen?tieth century
定位原文：第1段第1句“Since the early years of the twentieth century, when the International Athletic Federation began keeping records, there has been a steady improvement in how fast athletes run, how high they jump and how far they are able to hurl massive objects, themselves included, through space.”
解題思路：很明顯體感說的與原文說的相反，故答案為FALSE。
Question 3
答案：FALSE
關(guān)鍵詞：burst of energy
定位原文：第1段第2-3句“For the so-called power…In the endurance events the results have been more dramatic.”
解題思路：體感說運(yùn)動員的成績提高幅度最大的項(xiàng)目是需要爆發(fā)力強(qiáng)的項(xiàng)目，而原文說的是在持久項(xiàng)目中，運(yùn)動成績提高得更多。故答案為FALSE。
Question 4
答案：FALSE
關(guān)鍵詞：genetics
定位原文：第3段第1-2句“Identifying genetically talented individuals is only the first step. Michael Yessis, an emeritus professor of Sports Science at California State University at Fullerton, maintains that 'genetics only determines about one third of what an athlete can do.”
解題思路：題干說的是基因在運(yùn)動員的表現(xiàn)上起完全充分的作用。而文中說的很明顯是只有大概三分之一的決定因素。故正確答案為FALSE。
Question 5
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：parents of top athletes
定位原文：無
解題思路：題干中說頂尖運(yùn)動員的父母通常也是很成功的運(yùn)動員。而文中并未提到。
Question 6
答案：TRUE
關(guān)鍵詞：gifted athletes, younger age
定位原文：第2段第3句“Over the past century, the composition of… be identified early.”
解題思路：題干中說運(yùn)動不斷提升的國際重要性意味著有天分的運(yùn)動員有可能被發(fā)現(xiàn)的更早。定位句中最后也說道因此現(xiàn)在比以往更有可能盡早發(fā)現(xiàn)那些獨(dú)具運(yùn)動員基因的個(gè)體。故正確答案是TRUE。
Question 7
答案：genetics
關(guān)鍵詞：American runners
定位原文：第3段第4句“Yessis believes that U.S. runners, despite their impressive achievements, are 'running on their genetics.”
解題思路：根據(jù)大寫字母American runners定位到原文第3段第4句，可知答案為genetics。
Question 8
答案：power
關(guān)鍵詞：former Soviet Union
定位原文：第3段最后一句“These methods include strength training that duplicates what they are doing in their running events as well as plyometrics, a technique pioneered in the former Soviet Union.”
解題思路：據(jù)大寫字母former Soviet Union定位到原文第3段最后1句，原文的表述是前蘇聯(lián)率先應(yīng)用plyometrics來訓(xùn)練運(yùn)動員，結(jié)合第4段首句：plyometrics focuses on increasing power，因此答案為power。
Question 9
答案：injuries
關(guān)鍵詞：inadequate diet
定位原文：第5段最后1句“Few coaches, for instance, understand how deficiencies in trace minerals can lead to injuries.”
解題思路：根據(jù)inadequate diet定位到原文第5段最后l句，該段主要講營養(yǎng)方面對于運(yùn)動員得到影響。最后一句明確指出，...deficiency in trace mineral can lead to injuries，因此答案為injuries。
Question 10
答案：training
關(guān)鍵詞：key, setting
定位原文：第6段第1句“Focused training will also play a role in enabling records to be broken.”
解題思路：根據(jù)題目順序在原文第6段中找到答案及第2句，即打破記錄的關(guān)鍵因素為training。
Question 11
答案：A
關(guān)鍵詞：Biomechanics films
定位原文：第7段第2句至第4句“A biomechanic films an athlete…h(huán)igh jumpers.”
解題思路：此題根據(jù)專有名詞Biomechanics films定位到原文第7段，這一段倒數(shù)第2句說到Dapena用這些方法幫助跳髙運(yùn)動員。故正確答案為A。
Question 12
答案：D
關(guān)鍵詞：Biomechanics specialists/Fosbury flop
定位原文：第8段第2句至第4句“For example, during the 1968… own mathematical simulations.”
解題思路：此題根據(jù)4個(gè)選項(xiàng)中共有的大寫字母詞匯Fosbury flop迅速定位到原文第8段第2句至第4句，原文的表述是：……生物力學(xué)專家后來對他的方法進(jìn)行了分析，并理解了這一方法。答案為D。
Question 13
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：John S. Raglin
定位原文：最后1段第2句及第3句“'Once you study athletics, … our understanding in many cases is fundamental.”
解題思路：原文的表述是：印第安納大學(xué)的運(yùn)動心理學(xué)家John S. Raglin說：“核心表現(xiàn)不是更高，更快，更強(qiáng)這一簡單或者平凡的事。有很多的變數(shù)進(jìn)人這一方程式，我們對很多案例的理解都是最基本(fundamental)的。我們還有很長的路要走?！币虼舜鸢笧锽。
Question 14
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：creativity, investigative work
定位原文：第1段第1句“Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination.”
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)既包括創(chuàng)新也包括認(rèn)真的分析調(diào)査工作。原文：考古學(xué)部分是對過去財(cái)富的發(fā)現(xiàn)，部分是科學(xué)分析的嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)工作，部分是創(chuàng)造性想像的練習(xí)，因此答案為TURE。
Question 15
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：ancient languages
定位原文：無
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)家必須能夠翻譯古代語言文本。原文沒有提及題目的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 16
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：movies
定位原文：第2段最后一句“However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest—the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past.”
解題思路：題目說電影為考古學(xué)家的工作提供了真實(shí)的畫面。原文的表述是：相反，這些描述(指上句所說的電影)和現(xiàn)實(shí)差距甚遠(yuǎn)(far from reality such portrayals are)，因此很明顯答案應(yīng)為FALSE。
Question 17
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropolo?gist
定位原文：第4段第1句至第3句“Anthropology, at its broadest, … from other societies.”
解題思路：題目說人類學(xué)家從不止一個(gè)角度來定義文化。而文中恰好從廣義和狹義來定義文化，故正確答案為TRUE。
Question 18
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropology
定位原文：無
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)比人類學(xué)要求更加苛刻。原文當(dāng)中沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 19
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：Europe, 3,000 BC
定位原文：第8段最后一句“Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world.”
解題思路：題目說的是歐洲的歷史自公元前3000年就有記錄了。原文中的表述是傳統(tǒng)的歷史始于公元前3000左右西亞的文字記載，而世界的其他大多數(shù)地區(qū)的歷史要比這晚很多。因此答案為FALSE。
Question 20-21
答案：DE (IN EITHER ORDER)
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropology
定位原文：第4段最后1句“Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology.”
第5段首句“Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved.”
解題思路：該題的要求是從A—E五個(gè)選項(xiàng)中選出文中提到的兩個(gè)關(guān)于人類學(xué)的陳述。根據(jù)文章結(jié)構(gòu)分別在第4段最后1句及第5段首句找到答案即選項(xiàng)D和E。
Question 22-23
答案：CD (IN EITHER ORDER)
關(guān)鍵詞：tasks/archaeologist
定位原文：第7段
解題思路：該題的要求是從A-E五個(gè)選項(xiàng)中選出文中提到的兩個(gè)考古學(xué)家的任務(wù)。根據(jù)文章結(jié)構(gòu)可以在原文第7段當(dāng)中找到答案，分別為選項(xiàng)C及選項(xiàng)D。
Question 24
答案：oral histories
關(guān)鍵詞：written records/equally valuable
定位原文：原文倒數(shù)第2段最后1句“… but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories.”
解題思路：這句話中和written records形成對應(yīng)的只有原文倒數(shù)第2段最后一句中的oral histories詞組。
Question 25-26
答案：humanistic study/historical discipline
關(guān)鍵詞：archaeology
定位原文：最后1段第1句“Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline.”
解題思路：根據(jù)定位信息可知，答案為humanistic study或historical discipline。
Question 27
答案：scientist
關(guān)鍵詞：compare/style
定位原文：最后1段倒數(shù)第2句“In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data.”
解題思路：原文最后1段倒數(shù)第2句很明顯的告訴我們，被作者用來和考古學(xué)家進(jìn)行比較的只有一種人即科學(xué)家。因此答案為scientist。
Question 28
答案：iv
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：section A
解題思路：文中說到在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的社會，每一個(gè)衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)都需要做出決定：在衛(wèi)生保健方面投入資源應(yīng)占社會全部資源的多大比例……什么形式的治療是最節(jié)省成本的?由此可見原文首段均在圍繞發(fā)達(dá)國家共同面對的問題進(jìn)行闡述，所以答案為選項(xiàng)iv。
Question 29
答案：i
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section C 第1句“However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.”
解題思路：首句的主要意思是：然而，就在這種認(rèn)為衛(wèi)生資源是有限的新思想銷聲匿跡的同時(shí)，一種相反的思想在西方社會發(fā)展起來了。這種思想認(rèn)為享受衛(wèi)生保健是人們的一項(xiàng)基本權(quán)利(basic right)，而這種權(quán)利是人們正常生活的必要條件。直到該段末句，都在闡述醫(yī)療和人權(quán)的關(guān)系問題，因此答案為選項(xiàng)i。
Question 30
答案：iii
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section D 第2句“It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate heath-care resources are provided out of the public purse.”
解題思路：該段第2句的表述是：還有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)也是被普遍接受的：這種權(quán)利使得國家有義務(wù)有責(zé)任確保從公共預(yù)算中劃撥足夠的資金提供衛(wèi)生服務(wù)。該段由此直到末句都在闡述國家在保障醫(yī)療服務(wù)中的應(yīng)承擔(dān)的義務(wù)及扮演的角色，因此答案為選項(xiàng)iii。
Question 31
答案：v
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section E 第2句“The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of heath-care resources stem from the dramatic rise in heath costs in most OECD countries…”
解題思路：該段第2句的表述為：大多數(shù)經(jīng)合發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題。下面內(nèi)容均是針對該句所舉的具體例子及這一系列改變帶來的結(jié)果或影響，因此答案為選項(xiàng)v。
Question 32
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：resources/limited
定位原文：Section B第2句至第4句“Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s,… 'limits to growth'”
解題思路：題目說人們意識到醫(yī)療資源是有限的。原文中“在20世紀(jì)50年代和60年代，西方社會出現(xiàn)了一種意識：化石燃料能源的供應(yīng)資源是有限的，……換句話說，我們開始意識到一個(gè)顯而易見的事實(shí)，就是增長是有限制的?！币虼舜鸢笧锽。
Question 33
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：rise/cost
定位原文：Section E 第2句“The second set of more specific changes…consumers of health-care resources.”
解題思路：題目說醫(yī)療保健費(fèi)用的急劇上漲。原文“大規(guī)模的人口數(shù)量及社會的變化導(dǎo)致大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)合作發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題?！苯Y(jié)合例子當(dāng)中的時(shí)間，得出答案即選項(xiàng)B。
Question 34
答案：A
關(guān)鍵詞：belief/economic growth
定位原文：Section B最后一句“Looking back, it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-45 World War, ... ”
解題思路：題目中說到一種觀點(diǎn)：經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長能夠產(chǎn)生所有人們所需的醫(yī)療資源。原文“回溯起來，有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)現(xiàn)在看來不可思議：在1939年到1945年的世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的幾年內(nèi)，很多國家建立了國民衛(wèi)生體系，人們認(rèn)為這樣的國民衛(wèi)生體系至少在理論上能夠滿足任何人群的所有基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生需求，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長中‘看不見的手’將提供一切所需”因此答案為A。
Question 35
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：guaranteeing/provision
定位原文：Section D第2句及第3句“It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate health-care resources are provided out of the public purse. The state has no obligation to provide a health-care system itself, but to ensure that such a system is provided.”
解題思路：題目的意思是接受國家在提供醫(yī)療保障中的角色。原文“還有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)也是被普遍接受的：這種權(quán)利使得國家有義務(wù)有責(zé)任確保從公共預(yù)算中劃撥足夠的資金提供衛(wèi)生服務(wù)。國家本身沒有義務(wù)去建立衛(wèi)生健康體系，但是有義務(wù)去保證這樣一個(gè)體系的存在?！苯Y(jié)合該段首句中的時(shí)間1970s，答案為選項(xiàng)B。
Question 36
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：Personal liberty
定位原文：Section C最后兩句“People are not in a position to exercise personal liberty and to be self-determining if they are poverty-stricken, or deprived of basic education, or do not live within a context of law and order. In the same way, basic health-care is a condition of the exercise of autonomy.”
解題思路：文中說到如果為貧窮而苦惱，或者被剝奪了基礎(chǔ)教育，或者沒有生活在法律法規(guī)的框架下，那么人們就不能擁有個(gè)人自由，自主行事。同樣，基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生保健也是人實(shí)現(xiàn)自由的一個(gè)條件。很明顯個(gè)人自由和醫(yī)療保健是密切相關(guān)的，因此答案為NO。
Question 37
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：right, limits
定位原文：Section C第1句“However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.”
解題思路：原文表達(dá)的意思是：就在人們開始了解到醫(yī)療資源是有限的同時(shí)，一種相反的思想在西方社會發(fā)展起來了。這種思想認(rèn)為享受衛(wèi)生保健是人們的一項(xiàng)基本權(quán)利，而種權(quán)利是人們正常生活的必要條件。原文和題目的表述一致，因此答案為YES。
Question 38
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：OECD countries
定位原文：Section E第2句“The second set of more specific changes…consumers of health-care resources.”
解題思路：文中說到大規(guī)模的人口數(shù)量及社會的變化導(dǎo)致大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)合作發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題。與題干中說的“近年來，OECD國家人口數(shù)量的改變對醫(yī)療費(fèi)用產(chǎn)生了影響”一致，故答案為YES。
Question 39
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：OECD government
定位原文：Section E
解題思路：題干中說OECD國家的政府一直低估了醫(yī)療供應(yīng)的需求程度。根據(jù)大寫字母詞匯OECD定位到原文E段，該段沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 40
答案：GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：Economically developed countries, elderly
定位原文：E段
解題思路：題干中說在大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)國家，老年人將不得不為他們的未來醫(yī)療做一些特殊的準(zhǔn)備。原文中E段提到了elderly people，但是沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
劍橋雅思閱讀4原文參考譯文(test4)
Passage1
參考譯文
How much higher? How much faster?
—Limits to human sporting performance are not yet in sight—
多高?多快?
——人類的運(yùn)動極限沒有盡頭
Since the early years of the twentieth century, when the International Athletic Federation began keeping records, there has been a steady improvement in how fast athletes run, how high they jump and how far they are able to hurl massive objects, themselves included, through space. For the so-called power events — that require a relatively brief, explosive release of energy, like the 100-metre sprint and the long jump — times and distances have improved ten to twenty per cent. In the endurance events the results have been more dramatic. At the 1908 Olympics, John Hayes of the U.S. team ran a marathon in a time of 2:55:18. In 1999, Morocco’s Khalid Khannouchi set a new world record of 2:05:42, almost thirty per cent faster.
自從20世紀(jì)早期國際田聯(lián)開始記錄成績以來，運(yùn)動員奔跑的速度，跳的高度，投擲重物的距離都在穩(wěn)步提髙。在那些需要爆發(fā)力的項(xiàng)目，比如100米跑和跳遠(yuǎn)項(xiàng)目中，時(shí)間和距離都提高了10%-20%。在耐力項(xiàng)目中，運(yùn)動成績提高得更多。1908年的奧運(yùn)會上，美國隊(duì)的約翰?海因跑出了2小時(shí)55分18秒的馬拉松成績。在1999年，摩洛哥的選手海耶斯以2小時(shí)05分42秒的成績創(chuàng)造了新的世界記錄，幾乎提高了30%。
No one theory can explain improvements in performance, but the most important factor has been genetics. ‘The athlete must choose his parents carefully,’ says Jesus Dapena, a sports scientist at Indiana University, invoking an oftcited adage. Over the past century, the composition of the human gene pool has not changed appreciably, but with increasing global participation in athletics — and greater rewards to tempt athletes — it is more likely that individuals possessing the unique complement of genes for athletic performance can be identified early. ‘Was there someone like [sprinter] Michael Johnson in the 1920s?’ Dapena asks. ‘I’m sure there was, but his talent was probably never realised.’
沒有任何一個(gè)人的理論可以解釋成績的提高，但是最重要的因素是基因。印第安納大學(xué)的運(yùn)動科學(xué)家Jesus Dapena援引一常用諺語說“運(yùn)動員必須小心選擇自己的父母?！痹谶^去的一個(gè)世紀(jì)里，人類基因庫的成分并沒有顯著地變化，只是全世界有越來越多的人參與了這項(xiàng)運(yùn)動，誘惑運(yùn)動員提髙成績的物質(zhì)獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)也越來越多，因此現(xiàn)在比以往更有可能盡早發(fā)現(xiàn)那些獨(dú)具運(yùn)動員基因的個(gè)體。Dapena問道：“在20世紀(jì)20年代，能找到像短跑運(yùn)動員邁克?杰克遜一樣的人嗎?我敢肯定是能的，只是人們從未意識到他身上具有的才能?！?/p>
Identifying genetically talented individuals is only the first step. Michael Yessis, an emeritus professor of Sports Science at California State University at Fullerton, maintains that ‘genetics only determines about one third of what an athlete can do. But with the right training we can go much further with that one third than we’ve been going.’ Yessis believes that U.S. runners, despite their impressive achievements, are ‘running on their genetics’. By applying more scientific methods, ‘they’re going to go much faster’. These methods include strength training that duplicates what they are doing in their running events as well as plyometrics, a technique pioneered in the former Soviet Union.
識別基因優(yōu)秀的個(gè)體只是第一步。加州大學(xué)FuUerton分校的運(yùn)動科學(xué)系的退休教授Michael Yessis認(rèn)為基因在運(yùn)動員的表現(xiàn)上只起三分之一的作用。但是，輔以正確的訓(xùn)練，我們可以做得更好。他認(rèn)為美國的賽跑選手盡管已取得了眾多驕人成績，但他們是“靠他們的基因在跑”。通過使用更多的科學(xué)訓(xùn)練方法，“他們將跑得更快”。這些方法包括力量訓(xùn)練。這些訓(xùn)練再現(xiàn)運(yùn)動員在比賽中的動作，并應(yīng)用了前蘇聯(lián)首先使用的一種訓(xùn)練技巧——增強(qiáng)式訓(xùn)練模式。
Whereas most exercises are designed to build up strength or endurance, plyometrics focuses on increasing power — the rate at which an athlete can expend energy. When a sprinter runs, Yessis explains, her foot stays in contact with the ground for just under a tenth of a second, half of which is devoted to landing and the other half to pushing off. Plyometric exercises help athletes make the best use of this brief interval.
雖然絕大多數(shù)的訓(xùn)練用來提高力量或者持久性，增強(qiáng)式訓(xùn)練注重提高力——即運(yùn)動員使用能量的速度。Yessis解釋到，在一個(gè)短跑運(yùn)動員跑步時(shí)，她的腳和地面接觸少于1/10秒，在這1/10秒中，一半的時(shí)間用于著地，另一半的時(shí)間用于蹬地。增強(qiáng)式訓(xùn)練能幫助運(yùn)動員最好地利用這一短暫的間隙。
Nutrition is another area that sports trainers have failed to address adequately. ‘Many athletes are not getting the best nutrition, even through supplements,’ Yessis insists. Each activity has its own nutritional needs. Few coaches, for instance, understand how deficiencies in trace minerals can lead to injuries.
營養(yǎng)是另一個(gè)沒有得到運(yùn)動教練足夠重視的方面。Yessis堅(jiān)稱，即使吃了補(bǔ)品，很多運(yùn)動員也沒有得到最好的營養(yǎng)。毎一項(xiàng)活動都有自己的營養(yǎng)需求。到目前為止，幾乎沒有教練懂得微量礦物質(zhì)的缺乏是怎樣使運(yùn)動員受傷的。
Focused training will also play a role in enabling records to be broken. ‘If we applied the Russian training model to some of the outstanding runners we have in this country,’ Yessis asserts, ‘they would be breaking records left and right.’ He will not predict by how much, however: ‘Exactly what the limits are it’s hard to say, but there will be increases even if only by hundredths of a second, as long as our training continues to improve.’
在打破記錄方面，集中訓(xùn)練也起了作用。Yessis斷言：“如果對我們國內(nèi)的一些杰出賽跑運(yùn)動員采取俄羅斯的訓(xùn)練模式，他們將會經(jīng)常破記錄?！钡?，他沒有預(yù)測能在多大程度上破記錄?！皩?shí)際上極限在什么地方是很難說的，但是只要我們的訓(xùn)練不斷增強(qiáng)，就會有提高，哪怕只有1/100秒。”
One of the most important new methodologies is biomechanics, the study of the body in motion. A biomechanic films an athlete in action and then digitizes her performance, recording the motion of every joint and limb in three dimensions. By applying Newton’s laws to these motions, ‘we can say that this athlete’s run is not fast enough; that this one is not using his arms strongly enough during take-off,’ says Dapena, who uses these methods to help high jumpers. To date, however, biomechanics has made only a small difference to athletic performance.
最重要的新方法之一就是生物力學(xué)，研究運(yùn)動中身體的學(xué)科。生物力學(xué)將一個(gè)在運(yùn)動中的運(yùn)動員拍下來，然后將她的表現(xiàn)資料數(shù)字化，在三維空間上記錄下每一個(gè)關(guān)節(jié)和肢體的運(yùn)動。通過在三維空間采用牛頓定律，“我們可以得出結(jié)論：這個(gè)運(yùn)動員的奔跑速度不夠快，在起跑的過程中并沒有強(qiáng)有力地使用胳膊，”Dapena說道。Dapena用這些方法幫助跳高運(yùn)動員。然而，到目前為止，生物力學(xué)對運(yùn)動員的進(jìn)步起到的作用不大。
Revolutionary ideas still come from the athletes themselves. For example, during the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City, a relatively unknown high jumper named Dick Fosbury won the gold by going over the bar backwards, in complete contradiction of all the received high-jumping wisdom, a move instantly dubbed the Fosbury flop. Fosbury himself did not know what he was doing. That understanding took the later analysis of biomechanics specialists, who put their minds to comprehending something that was too complex and unorthodox ever to have been invented through their own mathematical simulations. Fosbury also required another element that lies behind many improvements in athletic performance: an innovation in athletic equipment. In Fosbury’s case, it was the cushions that jumpers land on. Traditionally, high jumpers would land in pits filled with sawdust. But by Fosbury’s time, sawdust pits had been replaced by soft foam cushions, ideal for flopping.
革命性的觀點(diǎn)同樣還來自運(yùn)動員自己。比如，在1968年墨西哥城的奧運(yùn)會上，一個(gè)相對來說不是很出名的運(yùn)動員迪克?F，使用了一個(gè)向后跳躍的方法獲得了金牌，他的這個(gè)方法和當(dāng)時(shí)已有的跳髙方法完全不同，馬上被命名為F式落法(既背越式)。他本人并不知道他正在做什么。生物力學(xué)專家后來對他的方法進(jìn)行了分析，并理解了這一方法。這些專家絞盡腦汁去理解這種過于復(fù)雜和非傳統(tǒng)的方法，而這一方法在他們自己的數(shù)學(xué)模擬中都沒有出現(xiàn)過。F式落法還需要另一個(gè)條件來提高運(yùn)動員的成績：運(yùn)動裝備上的革新。在迪克?F例子中，這一元素正是運(yùn)動員著陸的墊子。傳統(tǒng)意義上，跳髙運(yùn)動員都會著陸在填滿木屑的深坑里。但是到了迪克?F的年代，填滿木屑的深坑被軟泡沫墊子代替了，而這種墊子是這種跳法再理想不過的裝備了。
In the end, most people who examine human performance are humbled by the resourcefulness of athletes and the powers of the human body. ‘Once you study athletics, you learn that it’s a vexingly complex issue,’ says John S. Raglin, a sports psychologist at Indiana University. ‘Core performance is not a simple or mundane thing of higher, faster, longer. So many variables enter into the equation, and our understanding in many cases is fundamental. We've got a long way to go.’ For the foreseeable future, records will be made to be broken.
終于，大多數(shù)研究人員被運(yùn)動員的充沛的體力和人類身體的力量所折服了?！耙坏┠汩_始研究運(yùn)動，你就會發(fā)現(xiàn)這是一個(gè)令人懊惱的復(fù)雜的問題/印第安納大學(xué)的運(yùn)動心理學(xué)家John S. Raglin說：“不是簡簡單單的更高，更快，更強(qiáng)就可以提髙核心成績的。有很多的變量要引入這一方程式，我們對很多情況的理解都是最基本的。我們還有很長的路要走?！痹诳深A(yù)見的將來，記錄將被打破。
Passage2
參考譯文
THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY
考古學(xué)的本質(zhì)和目的
Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world’s cultural heritage against looting and careless harm.
考古學(xué)部分是對過去財(cái)富的發(fā)現(xiàn)，部分是科學(xué)分析的嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)工作，部分是創(chuàng)造性想像的練習(xí)。同時(shí)也是在陽光下辛苦地在中東挖掘，在雪中的阿拉斯加和因紐特人一起工作，研究羅馬大不列顛的下水道。但是它也是辛苦解釋工作，以使我們理解在人類歷史中這些東西代表了什么。它保持了世界文化遺產(chǎn)，使之免受掠奪和疏忽的傷害。
Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest — the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past.
考古學(xué)既是一個(gè)在田野的體力活動，也是在書房或?qū)嶒?yàn)室的智力追求。這正是它的巨大吸引力的一部分。這種充滿了危險(xiǎn)和偵探性質(zhì)的工作的混合體是小說作家和電影導(dǎo)演的完美載體，從阿加莎?克里斯蒂的《東方快車謀殺案》到斯蒂芬?斯皮爾伯格的《奪寶奇兵》。雖然這些描述和現(xiàn)實(shí)差距甚遠(yuǎn)，但是它們抓住了最本質(zhì)的事實(shí)：考古學(xué)是一個(gè)令人激動的探詢，一個(gè)對關(guān)于我們自身和過去知識的探詢。
But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today’s world?
但是考古學(xué)是怎樣和諸如人類學(xué)和歷史學(xué)這樣的學(xué)科相聯(lián)系呢，這些學(xué)科也同樣研究人類歷史?考古學(xué)本身是一門科學(xué)嗎?考古學(xué)家在今天低界中的責(zé)任是什么?
Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity — our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as ‘knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society’. Anthropologists also use the term ‘culture’ in a more restricted sense when they refer to the ‘culture’ of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline — so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology.
最廣義的人類學(xué)是研究人類的科學(xué)，包括我們作為動物的身體特征以及被我們稱為文化的人類特有的非生物特征。在這種意義上的文化包括了人類學(xué)家愛德華?泰勒在1871年總結(jié)的“作為社會成員的個(gè)體所習(xí)得的包括知識、信仰、藝術(shù)，道德、習(xí)俗以及其他一切能力和習(xí)慣?！倍?dāng)人類學(xué)家談到某個(gè)特定社會的文化時(shí)，這個(gè)文化就是狹義的概念，指這個(gè)社會的獨(dú)特的非生物特征，這一特征使該社會區(qū)別于其他社會。人類學(xué)是一個(gè)非常寬泛的學(xué)科，通常分為三個(gè)更小的學(xué)科：體質(zhì)人類學(xué)、文化人類學(xué)和考古學(xué)。
Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology — or social anthropology — analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society).
體質(zhì)人類學(xué)或者生物人類學(xué)，正如其名字一樣，關(guān)注于人類生物或體質(zhì)特征的研究以及這些特征是怎樣發(fā)展的。文化人類學(xué)或者社會人類學(xué)分析人類文化和社會。它的兩個(gè)分支是人種志(對單個(gè)活文化的第一手研究)和民族學(xué)(從人種出發(fā)，比較各不同文化，得出關(guān)于人類社會的通用法則)。
Archaeology is the ‘past tense of cultural anthropology’. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains — the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies.
考古學(xué)是“文化人類學(xué)的過去時(shí)”。文化人類學(xué)家經(jīng)常把他們的結(jié)論建立在目前社區(qū)的生活經(jīng)歷上，然而考古學(xué)家主要通過殘存的物質(zhì)研究過去社會——建筑、工具和其他人工制品，這些構(gòu)成了過去社會留下來的物質(zhì)文化。
Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed ‘ethnoarchaeology’, where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture — how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world’s cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people.
然而，今天的考古學(xué)家最重要的任務(wù)之一就是知道如何解讀從前的物質(zhì)文化。那些罐子是怎么用的?為什么有些住所是圓形的，而有些是方形的?在這里，考古學(xué)和人種學(xué)的方法重合了。幾十年來，考古學(xué)家延伸出了種族文化考古學(xué)，和人種學(xué)者一樣，他們住在當(dāng)代的社區(qū)中，但是他們帶著特定的目的，就是要了解社會是如何使用物質(zhì)文化的，比如人們是怎樣制造工具和武器，人們?yōu)槭裁匆诂F(xiàn)在的地方建立住所，等等。而且，考古學(xué)在保護(hù)遺址方面起了積極的作用。傳統(tǒng)研究構(gòu)成了一個(gè)不斷發(fā)展的領(lǐng)域，在這個(gè)領(lǐng)域里，人們認(rèn)識到世界的文化遺產(chǎn)是一個(gè)正在減少的資源，這一資源對不同的人們有著不同的意義。
If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history — where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology — the study of past material culture — is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world.
如果考古學(xué)只研究過去，那么它有什么是區(qū)別于歷史學(xué)的呢?就最廣義的意義而言，考古學(xué)是人類學(xué)的一個(gè)方面，同時(shí)也是歷史學(xué)的一部分，在這里的歷史是指3百萬年前人類產(chǎn)生以來的所有人類歷史。實(shí)際上，在那段漫長的歲月里，超過99%的時(shí)間，考古學(xué)這一研究過去的物質(zhì)文化的學(xué)科是惟一有意義的信息資源。傳統(tǒng)的歷史始于公元前3000左右西亞的文字記載，而世界的其他大多數(shù)地區(qū)的歷史要比這晚很多。
A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i.e. the period before written records — and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories.
人們一般是這樣把人類的歷史一分為二的：史前(即文字記錄出現(xiàn)以前的時(shí)期)和狹義的歷史即有文字見證的這段歷史。對于研究所有文化和所有時(shí)期的考古學(xué)而言，不管有沒有文字，歷史和史前的區(qū)別只是承認(rèn)文字重要性的傳統(tǒng)分界線，絕不會減少包含在口述史中有用信息的重要性。
Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world.
由于考古學(xué)的目的是理解人類，所以它是一個(gè)人文主義的學(xué)科。而且，由于考古學(xué)研究的是人類的過去，所以它是一個(gè)有關(guān)歷史的學(xué)科，但是它在根本上區(qū)別于文字歷史的研究?？脊艑W(xué)家發(fā)現(xiàn)的物質(zhì)不會直接告訴我們?nèi)ニ伎际裁?。歷史記載是一種聲明，意見及評判。在另一方面，考古學(xué)家發(fā)現(xiàn)的物體本身并未直接吿訴我們什么。從這個(gè)角度來說，考古學(xué)家的實(shí)踐更像科學(xué)家的實(shí)踐。科學(xué)家收集數(shù)據(jù)，進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn)，提出假設(shè)，用更多的數(shù)據(jù)驗(yàn)證假設(shè)，然后得出結(jié)論，設(shè)計(jì)模型，而這一模型看起來最適合總結(jié)在數(shù)據(jù)中觀察到的模式。而考古學(xué)家需要描畫出關(guān)于過去的一幅圖畫，正如科學(xué)家需要建立一個(gè)關(guān)于自然世界的連貫的思維框架。
Passage3
參考譯文
The Problem of Scarce Resources
稀缺資源的問題
Section A
The problem of how health-care resources should be allocated or apportioned, so that they are distributed in both the most just and most efficient way, is not a new one. Every health system in an economically developed society is faced with the need to decide (either formally or informally) what proportion of the community’s total resources should be spent on health-care; how resources are to be apportioned; what diseases and disabilities and which forms of treatment are to be given priority; which members of the community are to be given special consideration in respect of their health needs; and which forms of treatment are the most cost-effective.
A
衛(wèi)生保健資源應(yīng)該如何分配或指定以保證它們能以最公平、最有效的方式分布，這個(gè)問題已經(jīng)不算新了。在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的社會，每一個(gè)衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)都需要做出決定(正式或非正式)：在衛(wèi)生保健方面投入資源應(yīng)占社會全部資源的多大比例?這些資源應(yīng)該如何分配?什么樣的疾病和殘疾以及什么形式的治療應(yīng)該享有優(yōu)先權(quán)?社會中的哪部分成員應(yīng)該在衛(wèi)生需求方面給予特別關(guān)照?什么形式的治療是最節(jié)省成本的?
Section B
What is new is that, from the 1950s onwards, there have been certain general changes in outlook about the finitude of resources as a whole and of health-care resources in particular, as well as more specific changes regarding the clientele of health-care resources and the cost to the community of those resources. Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s, there emerged an awareness in Western societies that resources for the provision of fossil fuel energy were finite and exhaustible and that the capacity of nature or the environment to sustain economic development and population was also finite. In other words, we became aware of the obvious fact that there were ‘limits to growth’. The new consciousness that there were also severe limits to health-care resources was part of this general revelation of the obvious. Looking back, it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-45 World War, it was assumed without question that all the basic health needs of any community could be satisfied, at least in principle; the ‘invisible hand’ of economic progress would provide.
B
新近的發(fā)展是，自20世紀(jì)50年代以來，人們看待資源有限性及衛(wèi)生資源有限性的態(tài)度都有了總體的改變，另外關(guān)于使用衛(wèi)生資源的用戶和社區(qū)所需做出的開支方面也有了具體的變化。在20世紀(jì)50年代和60年代，西方社會意識到：化石燃料能源的供應(yīng)資源是有限的，并能被耗盡，自然界或環(huán)境維持經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展和人口增長的能力也是有限的。換句話說，我們開始意識到一個(gè)顯而易見的事實(shí)，就是增長是有限制的。衛(wèi)生保健資源同樣也會有一些限制的新觀念就是這個(gè)顯而易見的亊實(shí)的一部分。回溯起來，有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)現(xiàn)在看來不可思議：在1939年到1945年的世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的幾年內(nèi)，很多國家建立了國民衛(wèi)生體系，人們認(rèn)為這樣的國民衛(wèi)生體系至少在理論上能夠滿足任何人群的所有基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生需求，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長中“看不見的手”將提供一切所需。
Section C
However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life. Like education, political and legal processes and institutions, public order, communication, transport and money supply, health-care came to be seen as one of the fundamental social facilities necessary for people to exercise their other rights as autonomous human beings. People are not in a position to exercise personal liberty and to be self-determining if they are poverty-stricken, or deprived of basic education, or do not live within a context of law and order. In the same way, basic health-care is a condition of the exercise of autonomy.
C
然而，就在這種認(rèn)為衛(wèi)生資源是有限的新思想銷聲匿跡的同時(shí)，一種相反的思想在西方社會發(fā)展起來了。這種思想認(rèn)為享受衛(wèi)生保健是人們的一項(xiàng)基本權(quán)利，而這種權(quán)利是人們正常生活的必要條件。像教育、政治程序、法律程序、機(jī)構(gòu)、公共秩序、溝通、交通和金錢供給一樣，衛(wèi)生保健被看作是人們行使作為自治人類的權(quán)利的必需的一項(xiàng)基本社會的設(shè)施。如果為貧窮而苦惱，或者被剝奪了基礎(chǔ)教育，或者沒有生活在法律法規(guī)的框架下，那么人們就不能擁有個(gè)人自由，自主行事。同樣，基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生保健也是人實(shí)現(xiàn)自由的一個(gè)條件。
Section D
Although the language of ‘rights’ sometimes leads to confusion, by the late 1970s it was recognised in most societies that people have a right to health-care (though there has been considerable resistance in the United States to the idea that there is a formal right to health-care). It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate health-care resources are provided out of the public purse. The state has no obligation to provide a health-care system itself, but to ensure that such a system is provided. Put another way, basic health-care is now recognised as a ‘public good’, rather than a ‘private good’ that one is expected to buy for oneself. As the 1976 declaration of the World Health Organisation put it: ‘The enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health is one of the fundamental rights of every human being without distinction of race, religion, political belief, economic or social condition.’ As has just been remarked, in a liberal society basic health is seen as one of the indispensable conditions for the exercise of personal autonomy.
D
雖然權(quán)利這個(gè)詞有時(shí)在語言上會混淆，但是到20世紀(jì)70年代晚期，大多數(shù)社會都承認(rèn)人們有享受衛(wèi)生保健的權(quán)利(雖然在美國，人們享有衛(wèi)生保健的正式權(quán)利這一觀點(diǎn)受到了相當(dāng)大的抵觸)。還有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)也是被普遍接受的：這種權(quán)利使得國家有義務(wù)有責(zé)任確保從公共預(yù)算中劃撥足夠的資金提供衛(wèi)生服務(wù)。國家本身沒有義務(wù)去建立衛(wèi)生健康體系，但是有義務(wù)去保證這樣一個(gè)體系的存在。換句話說，基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生保健是一種公共產(chǎn)品，而不是需要花錢去購買的私人產(chǎn)品。世界衛(wèi)生組織在1976年的宣言中寫道;“享受可能達(dá)到的最髙標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的健康是每一個(gè)人的基本權(quán)利，不因種族、宗教、政治信仰、經(jīng)濟(jì)或社會情境而異?！闭鐒偛潘岬降模谝粋€(gè)自由的社會，基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生是行使個(gè)人自治的一個(gè)必不可少的條件。
Section E
Just at the time when it became obvious that health-care resources could not possibly meet the demands being made upon them, people were demanding that their fundamental right to health-care be satisfied by the state. The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of health-care resources stems from the dramatic rise in health costs in most OECD1 countries, accompanied by large-scale demographic and social changes which have meant, to take one example, that elderly people are now major (and relatively very expensive) consumers of health-care resources. Thus in OECD countries as a whole, health costs increased from 3.8% of GDP2 in 1960 to 7% of GDP in 1980, and it has been predicted that the proportion of health costs to GDP will continue to increase. (In the US the current figure is about 12% of GDP, and in Australia about 7.8% of GDP.)
E
當(dāng)衛(wèi)生保健資源不能滿足需求的這一現(xiàn)象比較明顯的時(shí)候，人們要求國家滿足他們享有衛(wèi)生保健的這一基本權(quán)利。大規(guī)模的人口數(shù)量及社會的變化導(dǎo)致大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)合作發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題。例如，老年人現(xiàn)在是最主要的(相對來說也是最昂貴的)衛(wèi)生健康資源消費(fèi)者。在歐共體總體中，健康資源的消費(fèi)從I960年占GDP的3.8%到1980年的7%,而且這一增長趨勢將會持續(xù)。(在美國，目前的數(shù)字是占GDP的12%，澳大利亞是7.8%)。
As a consequence, during the 1980s a kind of doomsday scenario (analogous to similar doomsday extrapolations about energy needs and fossil fuels or about population increases) was projected by health administrators, economists and politicians. In this scenario, ever-rising health costs were matched against static or declining resources.
結(jié)果，在20世紀(jì)80年代在各國衛(wèi)生部長、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家和政治家身中都出現(xiàn)了一股極度的悲觀情緒(和以往人們的悲觀推測類似，比如關(guān)于能源需求和燃料問題，或是人口增長問題)在這樣的論調(diào)中，他們認(rèn)為資源是穩(wěn)定的或是減少的，而醫(yī)療費(fèi)用卻是不斷上漲的。
劍橋雅思閱讀4原文解析(test4)
Question 1
答案：TRUE
關(guān)鍵詞：record,1900
定位原文：第1段第1句“Since the early years of the twentieth century, when the International Athletic Federation began keeping records, there has been a steady improvement in how fast athletes run, how high they jump and how far they are able to hurl massive objects, themselves included, through space.”
解題思路：“自從20世紀(jì)早期國際田聯(lián)開始記錄成績以來……”，題干說現(xiàn)代官方運(yùn)動員記錄始于大約1900年。因此答案為TRUE。
Question 2
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：before the twen?tieth century
定位原文：第1段第1句“Since the early years of the twentieth century, when the International Athletic Federation began keeping records, there has been a steady improvement in how fast athletes run, how high they jump and how far they are able to hurl massive objects, themselves included, through space.”
解題思路：很明顯體感說的與原文說的相反，故答案為FALSE。
Question 3
答案：FALSE
關(guān)鍵詞：burst of energy
定位原文：第1段第2-3句“For the so-called power…In the endurance events the results have been more dramatic.”
解題思路：體感說運(yùn)動員的成績提高幅度最大的項(xiàng)目是需要爆發(fā)力強(qiáng)的項(xiàng)目，而原文說的是在持久項(xiàng)目中，運(yùn)動成績提高得更多。故答案為FALSE。
Question 4
答案：FALSE
關(guān)鍵詞：genetics
定位原文：第3段第1-2句“Identifying genetically talented individuals is only the first step. Michael Yessis, an emeritus professor of Sports Science at California State University at Fullerton, maintains that 'genetics only determines about one third of what an athlete can do.”
解題思路：題干說的是基因在運(yùn)動員的表現(xiàn)上起完全充分的作用。而文中說的很明顯是只有大概三分之一的決定因素。故正確答案為FALSE。
Question 5
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：parents of top athletes
定位原文：無
解題思路：題干中說頂尖運(yùn)動員的父母通常也是很成功的運(yùn)動員。而文中并未提到。
Question 6
答案：TRUE
關(guān)鍵詞：gifted athletes, younger age
定位原文：第2段第3句“Over the past century, the composition of… be identified early.”
解題思路：題干中說運(yùn)動不斷提升的國際重要性意味著有天分的運(yùn)動員有可能被發(fā)現(xiàn)的更早。定位句中最后也說道因此現(xiàn)在比以往更有可能盡早發(fā)現(xiàn)那些獨(dú)具運(yùn)動員基因的個(gè)體。故正確答案是TRUE。
Question 7
答案：genetics
關(guān)鍵詞：American runners
定位原文：第3段第4句“Yessis believes that U.S. runners, despite their impressive achievements, are 'running on their genetics.”
解題思路：根據(jù)大寫字母American runners定位到原文第3段第4句，可知答案為genetics。
Question 8
答案：power
關(guān)鍵詞：former Soviet Union
定位原文：第3段最后一句“These methods include strength training that duplicates what they are doing in their running events as well as plyometrics, a technique pioneered in the former Soviet Union.”
解題思路：據(jù)大寫字母former Soviet Union定位到原文第3段最后1句，原文的表述是前蘇聯(lián)率先應(yīng)用plyometrics來訓(xùn)練運(yùn)動員，結(jié)合第4段首句：plyometrics focuses on increasing power，因此答案為power。
Question 9
答案：injuries
關(guān)鍵詞：inadequate diet
定位原文：第5段最后1句“Few coaches, for instance, understand how deficiencies in trace minerals can lead to injuries.”
解題思路：根據(jù)inadequate diet定位到原文第5段最后l句，該段主要講營養(yǎng)方面對于運(yùn)動員得到影響。最后一句明確指出，...deficiency in trace mineral can lead to injuries，因此答案為injuries。
Question 10
答案：training
關(guān)鍵詞：key, setting
定位原文：第6段第1句“Focused training will also play a role in enabling records to be broken.”
解題思路：根據(jù)題目順序在原文第6段中找到答案及第2句，即打破記錄的關(guān)鍵因素為training。
Question 11
答案：A
關(guān)鍵詞：Biomechanics films
定位原文：第7段第2句至第4句“A biomechanic films an athlete…h(huán)igh jumpers.”
解題思路：此題根據(jù)專有名詞Biomechanics films定位到原文第7段，這一段倒數(shù)第2句說到Dapena用這些方法幫助跳髙運(yùn)動員。故正確答案為A。
Question 12
答案：D
關(guān)鍵詞：Biomechanics specialists/Fosbury flop
定位原文：第8段第2句至第4句“For example, during the 1968… own mathematical simulations.”
解題思路：此題根據(jù)4個(gè)選項(xiàng)中共有的大寫字母詞匯Fosbury flop迅速定位到原文第8段第2句至第4句，原文的表述是：……生物力學(xué)專家后來對他的方法進(jìn)行了分析，并理解了這一方法。答案為D。
Question 13
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：John S. Raglin
定位原文：最后1段第2句及第3句“'Once you study athletics, … our understanding in many cases is fundamental.”
解題思路：原文的表述是：印第安納大學(xué)的運(yùn)動心理學(xué)家John S. Raglin說：“核心表現(xiàn)不是更高，更快，更強(qiáng)這一簡單或者平凡的事。有很多的變數(shù)進(jìn)人這一方程式，我們對很多案例的理解都是最基本(fundamental)的。我們還有很長的路要走。”因此答案為B。
Question 14
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：creativity, investigative work
定位原文：第1段第1句“Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination.”
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)既包括創(chuàng)新也包括認(rèn)真的分析調(diào)査工作。原文：考古學(xué)部分是對過去財(cái)富的發(fā)現(xiàn)，部分是科學(xué)分析的嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)工作，部分是創(chuàng)造性想像的練習(xí)，因此答案為TURE。
Question 15
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：ancient languages
定位原文：無
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)家必須能夠翻譯古代語言文本。原文沒有提及題目的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 16
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：movies
定位原文：第2段最后一句“However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest—the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past.”
解題思路：題目說電影為考古學(xué)家的工作提供了真實(shí)的畫面。原文的表述是：相反，這些描述(指上句所說的電影)和現(xiàn)實(shí)差距甚遠(yuǎn)(far from reality such portrayals are)，因此很明顯答案應(yīng)為FALSE。
Question 17
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropolo?gist
定位原文：第4段第1句至第3句“Anthropology, at its broadest, … from other societies.”
解題思路：題目說人類學(xué)家從不止一個(gè)角度來定義文化。而文中恰好從廣義和狹義來定義文化，故正確答案為TRUE。
Question 18
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropology
定位原文：無
解題思路：題目說考古學(xué)比人類學(xué)要求更加苛刻。原文當(dāng)中沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 19
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：Europe, 3,000 BC
定位原文：第8段最后一句“Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world.”
解題思路：題目說的是歐洲的歷史自公元前3000年就有記錄了。原文中的表述是傳統(tǒng)的歷史始于公元前3000左右西亞的文字記載，而世界的其他大多數(shù)地區(qū)的歷史要比這晚很多。因此答案為FALSE。
Question 20-21
答案：DE (IN EITHER ORDER)
關(guān)鍵詞：anthropology
定位原文：第4段最后1句“Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology.”
第5段首句“Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved.”
解題思路：該題的要求是從A—E五個(gè)選項(xiàng)中選出文中提到的兩個(gè)關(guān)于人類學(xué)的陳述。根據(jù)文章結(jié)構(gòu)分別在第4段最后1句及第5段首句找到答案即選項(xiàng)D和E。
Question 22-23
答案：CD (IN EITHER ORDER)
關(guān)鍵詞：tasks/archaeologist
定位原文：第7段
解題思路：該題的要求是從A-E五個(gè)選項(xiàng)中選出文中提到的兩個(gè)考古學(xué)家的任務(wù)。根據(jù)文章結(jié)構(gòu)可以在原文第7段當(dāng)中找到答案，分別為選項(xiàng)C及選項(xiàng)D。
Question 24
答案：oral histories
關(guān)鍵詞：written records/equally valuable
定位原文：原文倒數(shù)第2段最后1句“… but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories.”
解題思路：這句話中和written records形成對應(yīng)的只有原文倒數(shù)第2段最后一句中的oral histories詞組。
Question 25-26
答案：humanistic study/historical discipline
關(guān)鍵詞：archaeology
定位原文：最后1段第1句“Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline.”
解題思路：根據(jù)定位信息可知，答案為humanistic study或historical discipline。
Question 27
答案：scientist
關(guān)鍵詞：compare/style
定位原文：最后1段倒數(shù)第2句“In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data.”
解題思路：原文最后1段倒數(shù)第2句很明顯的告訴我們，被作者用來和考古學(xué)家進(jìn)行比較的只有一種人即科學(xué)家。因此答案為scientist。
Question 28
答案：iv
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：section A
解題思路：文中說到在經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的社會，每一個(gè)衛(wèi)生系統(tǒng)都需要做出決定：在衛(wèi)生保健方面投入資源應(yīng)占社會全部資源的多大比例……什么形式的治療是最節(jié)省成本的?由此可見原文首段均在圍繞發(fā)達(dá)國家共同面對的問題進(jìn)行闡述，所以答案為選項(xiàng)iv。
Question 29
答案：i
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section C 第1句“However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.”
解題思路：首句的主要意思是：然而，就在這種認(rèn)為衛(wèi)生資源是有限的新思想銷聲匿跡的同時(shí)，一種相反的思想在西方社會發(fā)展起來了。這種思想認(rèn)為享受衛(wèi)生保健是人們的一項(xiàng)基本權(quán)利(basic right)，而這種權(quán)利是人們正常生活的必要條件。直到該段末句，都在闡述醫(yī)療和人權(quán)的關(guān)系問題，因此答案為選項(xiàng)i。
Question 30
答案：iii
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section D 第2句“It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate heath-care resources are provided out of the public purse.”
解題思路：該段第2句的表述是：還有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)也是被普遍接受的：這種權(quán)利使得國家有義務(wù)有責(zé)任確保從公共預(yù)算中劃撥足夠的資金提供衛(wèi)生服務(wù)。該段由此直到末句都在闡述國家在保障醫(yī)療服務(wù)中的應(yīng)承擔(dān)的義務(wù)及扮演的角色，因此答案為選項(xiàng)iii。
Question 31
答案：v
關(guān)鍵詞：無
定位原文：Section E 第2句“The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of heath-care resources stem from the dramatic rise in heath costs in most OECD countries…”
解題思路：該段第2句的表述為：大多數(shù)經(jīng)合發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題。下面內(nèi)容均是針對該句所舉的具體例子及這一系列改變帶來的結(jié)果或影響，因此答案為選項(xiàng)v。
Question 32
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：resources/limited
定位原文：Section B第2句至第4句“Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s,… 'limits to growth'”
解題思路：題目說人們意識到醫(yī)療資源是有限的。原文中“在20世紀(jì)50年代和60年代，西方社會出現(xiàn)了一種意識：化石燃料能源的供應(yīng)資源是有限的，……換句話說，我們開始意識到一個(gè)顯而易見的事實(shí)，就是增長是有限制的?！币虼舜鸢笧锽。
Question 33
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：rise/cost
定位原文：Section E 第2句“The second set of more specific changes…consumers of health-care resources.”
解題思路：題目說醫(yī)療保健費(fèi)用的急劇上漲。原文“大規(guī)模的人口數(shù)量及社會的變化導(dǎo)致大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)合作發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題?！苯Y(jié)合例子當(dāng)中的時(shí)間，得出答案即選項(xiàng)B。
Question 34
答案：A
關(guān)鍵詞：belief/economic growth
定位原文：Section B最后一句“Looking back, it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-45 World War, ... ”
解題思路：題目中說到一種觀點(diǎn)：經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長能夠產(chǎn)生所有人們所需的醫(yī)療資源。原文“回溯起來，有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)現(xiàn)在看來不可思議：在1939年到1945年的世界大戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后的幾年內(nèi)，很多國家建立了國民衛(wèi)生體系，人們認(rèn)為這樣的國民衛(wèi)生體系至少在理論上能夠滿足任何人群的所有基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生需求，經(jīng)濟(jì)增長中‘看不見的手’將提供一切所需”因此答案為A。
Question 35
答案：B
關(guān)鍵詞：guaranteeing/provision
定位原文：Section D第2句及第3句“It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate health-care resources are provided out of the public purse. The state has no obligation to provide a health-care system itself, but to ensure that such a system is provided.”
解題思路：題目的意思是接受國家在提供醫(yī)療保障中的角色。原文“還有一個(gè)觀點(diǎn)也是被普遍接受的：這種權(quán)利使得國家有義務(wù)有責(zé)任確保從公共預(yù)算中劃撥足夠的資金提供衛(wèi)生服務(wù)。國家本身沒有義務(wù)去建立衛(wèi)生健康體系，但是有義務(wù)去保證這樣一個(gè)體系的存在?！苯Y(jié)合該段首句中的時(shí)間1970s，答案為選項(xiàng)B。
Question 36
答案：NO
關(guān)鍵詞：Personal liberty
定位原文：Section C最后兩句“People are not in a position to exercise personal liberty and to be self-determining if they are poverty-stricken, or deprived of basic education, or do not live within a context of law and order. In the same way, basic health-care is a condition of the exercise of autonomy.”
解題思路：文中說到如果為貧窮而苦惱，或者被剝奪了基礎(chǔ)教育，或者沒有生活在法律法規(guī)的框架下，那么人們就不能擁有個(gè)人自由，自主行事。同樣，基礎(chǔ)衛(wèi)生保健也是人實(shí)現(xiàn)自由的一個(gè)條件。很明顯個(gè)人自由和醫(yī)療保健是密切相關(guān)的，因此答案為NO。
Question 37
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：right, limits
定位原文：Section C第1句“However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life.”
解題思路：原文表達(dá)的意思是：就在人們開始了解到醫(yī)療資源是有限的同時(shí)，一種相反的思想在西方社會發(fā)展起來了。這種思想認(rèn)為享受衛(wèi)生保健是人們的一項(xiàng)基本權(quán)利，而種權(quán)利是人們正常生活的必要條件。原文和題目的表述一致，因此答案為YES。
Question 38
答案：YES
關(guān)鍵詞：OECD countries
定位原文：Section E第2句“The second set of more specific changes…consumers of health-care resources.”
解題思路：文中說到大規(guī)模的人口數(shù)量及社會的變化導(dǎo)致大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)合作發(fā)展組織的國家的衛(wèi)生費(fèi)用急劇增加，這再一次引發(fā)了一系列改變，使人們開始關(guān)注醫(yī)療衛(wèi)生資源的分配問題。與題干中說的“近年來，OECD國家人口數(shù)量的改變對醫(yī)療費(fèi)用產(chǎn)生了影響”一致，故答案為YES。
Question 39
答案：NOT GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：OECD government
定位原文：Section E
解題思路：題干中說OECD國家的政府一直低估了醫(yī)療供應(yīng)的需求程度。根據(jù)大寫字母詞匯OECD定位到原文E段，該段沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
Question 40
答案：GIVEN
關(guān)鍵詞：Economically developed countries, elderly
定位原文：E段
解題思路：題干中說在大多數(shù)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)國家，老年人將不得不為他們的未來醫(yī)療做一些特殊的準(zhǔn)備。原文中E段提到了elderly people，但是沒有提到題目中的內(nèi)容，因此答案為NOT GIVEN。
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